In a previous blog, I showed how Maine’s economic woes are more significantly affecting our younger workers. And while one commenter pointed out that this is not just a Maine phenomena, it is more of a concern in Maine because these folks are Maine’s young families who are raising the next generation of workers. Recent data from the U.S. Census Bureau shows that Maine’s net natural growth (births minus deaths) in 2011 was a mere 180 people.  Maine simply needs to work harder than other states to keep our young families.

However, even the unemployment rate by age chart is optimistic because it is based on the “standard” unemployment definition. Did you know that there are actually many different definitions of unemployment? The chart below shows the various “alternative unemployment rates” as published by the Maine Department of Labor (Excel File).

The green line, representing the “U-3″ definition of unemployment, is the official unemployment rate you read about in the newspaper which hit a high of just over 8 percent in 2010. For a person to be counted in U-3 you have to be unemployed but actively seeking work.  Loosen the definition a bit, and the unemployment rate begins to explode.

U-4 includes U-3 but counts folks who have simply given up looking for work called “discouraged workers.” U-5 includes U-4 and folks that are able to work but haven’t done so in quite awhile. Finally, there is U-6 which includes U-5 and all the folks who are working part-time but would rather be working full-time.

Overall, you get a very different picture of Maine’s unemployment rate depending on which definition one uses. If you use the official, U-3, definition then unemployment does not look so bad and has leveled off in 2010 (more recent Maine unemployment rate data shows it now falling for 2011).

Yet, looking at U-6 you see that not only is unemployment rate nearly twice the U-3 rate, but also a pattern of continued growth in the unemployment rate into 2010 (albeit at a slower pace than pre-2009). This suggests U-6 might still be growing into 2011 though we won’t know for sure until the new data comes out. In any case, U-6 paints a more dismal unemployment picture than the official U-3 metric . . . just thought you should know.

Chart Showing Maine's Alternative Unemployment Rates 2003 to 2010

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In case you missed it, my 2012 economic forecast is featured in Mainebiz’e annual “5 on the future.”

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On January 18, the New Hampshire legislator is taking up a constitutional amendment that would permanently ban a personal income tax in the state. The good news for Maine is that it is not a ban on a sales tax . . . it is the lack of sales tax in New Hampshire that is currently costing Maine border counties up to $2.2 billion a year in lower retail sales (and, correspondingly, Maine state government hundred of millions in lost revenue).

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In my previous blog about Maine’s population growth (or lack thereof), I alluded to data that would highlight the economic woes of Maine’s young people.

The chart below is from the Maine Department of Labor and it shows the unemployment rate broken down by major age group between 2000 and 2010. As you can clearly see, in 2010, the highest unemployment rates are for those between the ages of 16 and 19 (21.8 percent), 20 to 24 (15 percent) and 25 to 34 (9.4 percent). Naturally, these are Maine’s young families and this economic distress is falling the hardest on their shoulders.

This may also be why the most recent data from the Internal Revenue Service is now showing a net out-migration of taxpayers. This is an important metric because these young folks, i.e., taxpayers, are just beginning their productive careers and the lack of opportunity may be forcing them to find greener pastures.

Chart Showing Maine's Unemployment Rate by Age 2000 to 2010

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As I pointed out in my last blog citing the latest data from the U.S. Census Bureau, Maine’s net natural population increase (births minus deaths) was a mere 180 people. A simple projection of the past 20 years worth of data suggests that next year could be the first year of net negative natural population growth in Maine. Demographers have a new term for this which I’ve mentioned before . . . “Demographic Winter.”

In a nutshell, Demographic Winter is when there are too few young people, or at least having too few babies, to sustain the current level of population. Maine appears headed for such a scenario, barring a huge influx of fertile domestic or international migrants. This will create a strong headwind for future economic growth.

I recently became aware that the movie titled “Demographic Winter” has been posted on YouTube in its entirety. It runs for about 50 minutes, but I promise it is worth the trip . . . check it out. Though I wouldn’t advice watching it while eating your lunch :-)

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Today, the U.S. Census Bureau released their first post-census population estimates by state. The goods news is that Maine avoided a third consecutive years of population decline, but barely. The bad news is the Maine’s population grew by only 809 people which was the 47th fastest in the country.

More ominously, the net natural increase (births minus deaths) accounted for only 180 people with 12,868 births versus 12,688 deaths. Maine keeps moving closer to the day when net natural increase moves into negative territory–a very bad sign for long-term sustainable population growth.

Net domestic migration (migration between the states) was positive by only 72 people. So that leaves 73 percent of Maine’s net population growth was due to international migration with an addition of 594 people.

Overall, this is not a good place to be in. International migration is very fickle and Maine can not rely on it for future population growth. The primary concern is the near zero net natural growth rate which is directly attributable to Maine’s aging demographic profile. Maine policymakers need to find a way to attract young people to the state to address this concern.

Stay tuned for a future blog post which will shed more light on the woes of Maine’s young people . . .

Chart Showing Maine Population Change 2010 to 2011

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Shockingly, the Maine Center for Economic Policy (MECEP) thinks that my recent study–showing Maine would lose more than 6,400 jobs if taxes are raised to cover the $121 million DHHS shortfall (pdf)–is “flawed out of the gate.” That’s an interesting conclusion coming from an organization that has “economic” in its title but doesn’t have a single economist on staff . . . hhhmmm.

At any rate, their rebuttal clearly shows that they didn’t even bother to read the study or the years worth of studies and blogs I’ve done showing the clear relationship between the size of a state’s private sector (as a percent of personal income) and the overall economic well-being of the state’s citizens.

Of course, higher taxes are part of the equation and, in this case, it doesn’t matter what taxes are increased. Taking an average of $215 per household out of the private sector will, obviously, reduce private sector activity through the very “multiplier effect” they discuss in their own study–except it’s on the tax side. What MECEP fails to mention is that their 4,464 jobs that would be saved with restored DHHS funding is really just a shift of jobs from the private to the public sector.

However, the story goes much deeper than that because those higher taxes are going to fund higher government spending. Government spending crowds out private sector in the competition for scarce labor and capital. Just ask any small business owner who has to compete with government pay scales. This transfer of private sector resources to the public sector lowers long-run economic growth.  This is not just conjecture, but an empirical observation.

To illustrate this effect, I recently came across this blog from the good folks at the Mercatus Center which shows that government grants crowd out private charity:

Extensive research has found that government provision of charitable services tends to crowd out private charity.

In a pair of papers, for example, Andreoni and Payne found that when U.S. charities receive an extra $1,000 in government grants, they tend to receive about $750 less in other donations (20032011). That is, public charity crowds out about 75 percent of private charity.

It appears that the effect cannot be explained by individuals giving less. Instead, it appears that charities themselves tend to reduce their fundraising when they receive more government money.

In a new paper, Andreoni and Payne exploit a more detailed Canadian dataset to delve deeper into the question. They find that crowding-out exceeds 100 percent. Of this, “77 percent can be attributed to reduced fundraising by the charities.”

Imagine that, people work less when something is given to them for “free.” MECEP may be familiar with this phenomenon since they receive government grants themselves.

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The Small Business & Entrepreneurship Council recently released their 2011 Small Business Survival Index (pdf). Unfortunately, it brings more bad news for Maine’s economy. Maine is ranked as the 45th friendliest policy environment for entrepreneurship in the country.

However, like the Forbes Best States for Business Ranking I mentioned earlier (about a week before the Maine press), this index is not yet including the recent cut in the top personal income tax rate to 7.95 percent from 8.5 percent which doesn’t kick-in until 2012. The survival index puts a good deal of weight on the top personal income tax rate and that change alone would have moved Maine up a couple of spots–all else being equal.

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Today, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) released their 2009 estimates of taxpayer migration. This is important because people “voting with their feet” is a barometer of the health of a state’s economy (and thus, of public policy). Unfortunately, the data does not bring good news for Maine’s economy.

The chart below shows the net migration in Maine of taxpayers (a good proxy for households), exemptions (a good proxy for people) and adjusted gross income (a good proxy for household income). After enjoying strong in-migration in the early 2000′s, that strength rapidly evaporated in 2004 and beyond.  Since 2004, households and people have been leaving Maine–losing 5,211 households and 1,552 people.  Since 2008, income has joined them with net out-migration of $44 million.

These losses may not sound like much, but when you consider that net natural population increase (births minus deaths) in 2009 were only 789 people then every out-migrant counts. In fact, net out-migration is now why Maine has lost population the last two years according to the most recent Census counts.  Of course, it’s difficult to keep people in Maine when there are fewer private sector jobs today than there were ten years ago.

Chart Showing Maine IRS Net Migration 1995 to 2009

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Just moments ago, the New Hampshire House attempted to override Gov. Lynch’s veto on Right-to-Work. Unfortunately, the veto override failed 240-139, a mere 14 votes shy of the needed two-thirds.

However, Maine should still be wary of our neighbor. The supermajority vote in the Senate and near-supermajority vote in House shows that there is very strong support in New Hampshire for Right-to-Work. They are only one supporting Governor away from enacting Right-to-Work which could happen as early as 2013 (New Hampshire’s Governor is on a two-year term and Gov. Lynch has announced he will not run again).

Another thing Mainers should also worry about are the actions of the anti-Right-to-Work forces who stopped at nothing to get their way. Consider these shenangans as reported by New Hampshire Speaker O’Brien:

That’s why I have become seriously concerned about the coercion, threats and outright intimidation specific to the Right to Work issue that we have learned some of our colleagues have suffered. Here are several examples, some of which have just come to me today:

• One older representative was told that public emergency personnel might not respond in a timely fashion if they learned of a problem at this representative’s home after a vote to support Right to Work.

• Another representative’s daughter attending a public school was told that she would not be an appropriate candidate for a captain of her basketball team should her parent vote in support of Right to Work.

• Yet another representative who has been supporting the veto override was first told by his public employer he had to work tomorrow. Then he was unexpectedly called in by the head of the employing agency and told that he would be allowed to go to Concord to vote, but that, given the presence of the two unions that had members at the agency, he really needs to vote against Right to Work.

• A representative’s spouse was threatened on the job based upon a vote for Right to Work, leaving that spouse with the impression that he might lose his job or suffer worse consequences if that vote was not for the union bosses.

• A representative’s spouse was told in a telephone call from a senior union official that their pension could be in jeopardy if this representative voted in favor of Right to Work.

These are examples that go beyond the pale, yet do not include the numerous other instances in which union bosses have subtly implied veiled threats against representatives on this issue.

How many more instances of intimidation went unreported? These tactics simply do not belong in America.

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